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Yesterday, the Supreme Court found the Rwanda agreement unlawful.
The Prime Minister issued a statement indicating what he will do to address this.


In April 2022 the UK and Rwanda entered into a Memorandum of Understanding for the provision
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of an Asylum Partnership Arrangement. It provided that some of the asylum seekers
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arriving in the UK would be sent to Rwanda where their claims would processed through the Rwandan
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asylum system. Under this arrangement, those sent will not be returned to the
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UK even if they are subsequently recognised as refugees. The evidence suggests that the
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UK paid £140 million to Rwanda in April 2022 in connection with this agreement.
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Since then the policy has been the subject of legal challenges both domestically and
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before the European Court of Human Rights. To date no-one has been sent to Rwanda.
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The legal process prompted a political backlash against the European Convention of Human Rights.
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This erupted in 2022 following an interim application made to
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the European Court of Human Rights.
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Interim measures are temporary measures granted by the European Court of Human Rights on an
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exceptional basis where applicants face a real risk of serious and irreversible harm.
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The 2022 interim measure related to a flight scheduled to leave the UK on the
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14th June 2022. One of the asylum seekers that would have been on that flight, KN,
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had arrived in the UK on 17th May 2022 and claimed asylum. A doctor concluded that KN
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may have been the victim of torture. KN was, however, issued with an order stating that
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he should be sent to Rwanda. KN sought to challenge this, and the European Court of
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Human Rights issued an interim measure preventing his removal until his case had been decided by UK
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courts. So the European Court of Human Rights did not determine the merits of the issue.
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Over the last year the legality of the Rwanda policy has been challenged
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in our domestic courts and yesterday the UK Supreme Court unanimously found it unlawful.
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Whilst the case has been making its way through our courts there have been various
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suggestions by politicians that if the policy is found to be unlawful that they
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will do ‘whatever it takes’ to address that. This has been understood to mean that they
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would seek to withdraw from the ECHR. The Prime Minister reiterated that yesterday.
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It is therefore important to observe that the SC in determining that the
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Rwanda policy was unlawful did not rely heavily upon the European Convention
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on Human Rights and in fact did not decide whether the policy violated Article 3 ECHR.
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In order to understand the legal question that the Court considered it is necessary
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to first set out the legal framework. It provides that in certain circumstances the
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Home Secretary can transfer asylum seekers to any safe third country
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which agrees to accept them. It also provides that a country only qualifies
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as a safe third country if the principle of “non-refoulement” is respected there.
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The principle of non-refoulement appears in several forms – essentially
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it requires that asylum seekers are not returned, directly or indirectly,
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to a country where their life or freedom would be threatened on account of their race, religion,
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nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion,
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or they would be at real risk of torture or inhuman or degrading treatment.
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The HS argued that the arrangements made with Rwanda, and the assurances given by Rwanda,
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meant that Rwanda was a safe third country for these purposes.
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The claimants argued that it was not a safe third country, as there is a risk of refoulement.
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Consequently, the question in the legal proceedings was whether there
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were substantial grounds for believing that the
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removal to Rwanda would expose asylum seekers to a real risk of refoulement.
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The case made its way up through three courts.
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The first - the Divisional Court – in February - held that some of the removal decisions were
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procedurally flawed, but rejected the wider challenge to the policy.
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This was then overturned by the Court of Appeal. It held that there are substantial
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grounds for believing that there are real risks that asylum claims will not be properly
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determined in Rwanda AND consequently that there is a real risk of refoulement.
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This was unanimously upheld by the Supreme Court.
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The Supremem Court considered three questions in coming to that conclusion.
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The first question was whether the Divisional
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Court had applied the wrong test when considering the risk of refoulement
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The Supreme Court confirmed that the correct legal test is whether there
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are substantial grounds for believing that removal would expose asylum seekers
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to a real risk of ill-treatment as a consequence of refoulement.
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Crucially it confirmed that this is a question for
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the court which it must answer based on its assessment of the evidence before it.
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This was important as there were several passages in the Divisional Court judgment
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which suggested that it saw its function as one of reviewing the Secretary of State’s
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assessment to determine whether it was a tenable one, rather than making its own assessment.
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The second question - whether the Court of Appeal was entitled to
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interfere with the Divisional Court’s conclusion
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The Supreme Court found that the Court of Appeal was entitled to do so as the
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Divisional Court had erred in its treatment of the evidence.
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Essentially by failing to engage with the evidence of the UNHCR, the UN’s Refugee Agency.
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The Supreme Court held that in determining whether there was a risk of refoulement the
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courts must consider the evidence on how the asylum system operates in practice.
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Vital evidence was provided by the UN which should have been given particular weight given
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its remit and unrivalled practical experience of working in the Rwandan asylum system.
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Consequently, the Divisional Court had erred and
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the Court of Appeal was entitled to interfere with its conclusion.
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The third question – was whether the Court of Appeal was entitled to conclude
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that there were substantial grounds for thinking that asylum seekers would face a
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real risk of ill- treatment by reason of refoulement following removal to Rwanda
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The Supreme Court held that the Court of Appeal was right to conclude this.
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It reasoned that
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First, the general human rights situation in Rwanda;
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Second, the operation of Rwanda’s asylum system, including its history of refoulement;
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And, third, Rwanda’s non-compliance with
8:24
assurances it had given under an asylum arrangement with Israel
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All provided substantial grounds for believing that there is a real risk of refoulement.
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In respect of the general human rights system in
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Rwanda – the Supreme Court emphasised amongst other evidence the following:
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Judicial findings by a British court in 2017 that Rwanda - “has instigated
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political killings which had led British police to warn Rwandan nationals living in
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Britain of credible plans to kill them on the part of that state”
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The fact that in January 2021 (so just a year prior to the Rwanda Agreement) the
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United Kingdom government had criticised Rwanda for “extrajudicial killings,
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deaths in custody, enforced disappearances and torture”.
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The fact that advice provided by officials during the process of selecting a partner
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country for the removal had stated that Rwanda has a poor human rights record.
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Finally, there was evidence that in 2018 the Rwandan police
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had fired live ammunition at refugees protesting over cuts to food rations.
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Examining the operation of Rwanda asylum system the Supreme Court observed:
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First - that whilst a right of appeal has existed since 2018,
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there has never been an appeal in practice.
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Second - hat there is evidence suggesting a lack
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of judicial independence and lack of independence in the legal profession
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Third - that evidence provided by the UN indicates that 100%
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of nationals from known conflict zones have had their applications rejected.
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And finally – that there was evidence of the practice of refoulement in Rwanda
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A final important part of the evidence was the failed Israel/Rwanda asylum agreement.
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The Secretary of State argued that the failure of this scheme was irrelevant.
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This was rejected by the Supreme Court. It found that it was relevant that Rwanda
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had previously entered into an agreement undertaking to
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comply with non-refoulement and had apparently failed to do so.
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Overall the Home Secretary sought to argue that past and current inadequacies in the asylum system
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in Rwanda were not reliable indicators of how the UK Agreement would operate.
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But this was rejected by the Supreme Court.
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It held that determinations of risk must be based on what has happened in
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the past, and in the light of the situation as it currently exists,
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as well as in the light of what may be promised for the future.
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So where does this leave the Rwanda Agreement and where does this leave human rights law?
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Rishi Sunak announced yesterday that he will pass ‘emergency legislation’ asserting that Rwanda is
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a ‘safe country’. He will therefore seek to fast track legislation asking Parliament to
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deem Rwanda a safe country for these purposes. It is likely this will be highly contested.
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He also stated that the UK Government will enter into a new Treaty with Rwanda,
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and that this provides the assurance the Supreme Court is asking for.
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Yet whilst this will amend the status of the agreement from a
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Memorandum to a legally binding Treaty it does not address the problems that
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the Supreme Court identified in its unanimous judgement.
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The SC made it clear that it did not doubt the good faith
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of the Rwandan Government – but - and here it is worth reiterating what the
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SC said - that structural changes and capacity-building are needed.
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The body of evidence cited by the Supreme Court suggests that those
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structural changes are deep. There are multiple problems and they include a lack
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of independence in the judicial system and the legal profession.
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The scale of such change therefore appears
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irreconcilable with the speed at which the Prime Minister wishes to advance.
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Finally, it is important to note that Rishi Sunak also stated yesterday that he will not
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allow foreign courts to block flights to Rwanda, and that he is prepared to change
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our laws and revisit ‘international relationships’ to remove obstacles.
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In particular, he stated that if the European Court of Human Rights
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intervenes that he we do what is necessary. Thus withdrawal
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from the European Court of Human Rights will be back on the agenda.
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It is, however, worth observing that he referred to ‘international relationships’ – in the plural.
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Indeed, as the Supreme Court judgment highlights the relevant international relationships are not
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limited to the European Convention on Human Rights. They include the Refugee Convention,
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the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention Against Torture.
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There is also - as the Supreme Court observed
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the question of non-refoulement as part of customary international law.
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The significance of non-refoulment being a principle of customary
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international law is that it is binding upon all states,
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regardless of whether they are party to any treaties which give it effect.
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The changes that the Government thus seeks are not easy, they are not cosmetic,
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and they would not be without international consequences.
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There is therefore a lot to consider, and a General Election is looming.

     
 
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