Notes

The Ukraine Crisis: What to Know About Why Russia Attacked The New York Times
The Levada Center stays within those parameters by asking whether people support the actions of the Russian military. The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites. Why Russians do not protest is perhaps better explained by Russian history and not opinion polls. That the Kremlin was right to block the majority of independent media sites they used to read. Probably yes, if more people had stood up for their freedom and challenged state TV propaganda about trumped up threats from the West and Ukraine. Polls suggest the majority of Russians, if not supporting the war, certainly do not oppose it.


This will make the war in Ukraine a longer and more traumatic enterprise than anything Europe has known since the middle of the last century. The coming year will demonstrate whether Russia - and its suppliers in North Korea and Iran - or Ukraine - and its Western backers - are able and prepared to meet the voracious demands of industrial-age warfare. Industrial-age warfare bends significant parts, or in some cases whole economies, towards the production of war materials as matters of priority. Russia's defence budget has tripled since 2021 and will consume 30% of government spending next year. For democracies, long-term consensus in support for war has always been more complicated than for autocrats with no accountability. At the same time, there have been cases of pro-war pupils recording their teachers making dovish statements in class, and reporting them to the authorities.

Russians: tell us what you think about Putin’s escalation of war in Ukraine
Yet Volkov added that this tolerance, however passive, is likely to remain quite stable, even strong. “If I watched different channels, I would probably have a different opinion, but I don’t watch them,” she said. It’s not that she doesn’t know alternative information is out there, but that she doesn’t want it, lest her vision of the world come under threat. “It’s not about having to reconsider this one event but everything you thought and understood over the last ten or fifteen years,” Volkov told me.


“I know activists from other countries and they support Russian activists, but they don’t understand how we can continue to live and work under the war and the current government. There are https://euronewstop.co.uk/world-war-iii-begins-with-forgetting.html who hate Russia, but it must be remembered that it’s necessary to separate the Russian government, a mad machine of repression and destruction, and the people of Russia, who for the most part are not guilty. “My father has a very strange position – it seems that he simultaneously supports and does not support the special military operation.

EU Threatens Russia Sanctions as NATO Backs Ukraine
“The feeling of the inevitability of war from the life of Russians, the feeling that the war is now with us, and we are with this life, caused the emergence of new meanings of war,” Zhuravlev said. As a result, researchers estimate that the core group of war supporters numbers around 30% to 35% of the total number of survey respondents. Koneva said her research group has focused on examining the opinions of the core audience that supports Russia’s war in Ukraine. It is not just Ukraine’s 44 million people whose lives have been upended. In the coming days, many others far from the field of battle maybe find themselves buffeted by ripple effects.


A couple walk in front of the Kremlin's Spasskaya Tower and St Basil's cathedral in downtown Moscow. While 80% of poll respondents say they support Russia's military, some have mixed feelings. One local family visiting St Petersburg were shocked to find nothing had changed while their own lives had been turned upside down. He points out that our digital networks are mainly cellular in structure, making it almost impossible to wipe them all at once. True Russian cyberwarfare capabilities have proved something of a damp squib in Ukraine.


Overall, he’s always had nationalist views, so it’s not surprising. I haven’t lived with my parents for many years, but even if I did, I wouldn’t argue with them, because it’s their business what to think. Positive Russian attitudes toward Ukraine once again dramatically collapsed during the Euromaidan, which was portrayed in massive state-sponsored information campaigns as a Western-backed coup bringing Russophobes and fascists to power. A just-released poll by Russia’s Levada Center shows that Russians think the most hostile countries are the United States, followed by Ukraine, Germany, Latvia, and Lithuania. Russians believe the official propaganda that there was a “democratic referendum” in Crimea, that Ukrainians shot down Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, that there is a civil war in Ukraine, and that there are no Russian troops in eastern Ukraine. Two-thirds of Ukrainians, but only a quarter of Russians, understand the conflict as a Russian-Ukrainian war.

“In the past few years, I’ve become closely involved with volunteering. [Russian President Vladimir] Putin is just another man who has been in power too long. It is not just Ukraine’s 44 million people whose lives have been upended. Russian forces may try to push again along the entire front, at least to secure all of the Donbas region.
Many commentators declared that this rhetoric would undermine the fragile support of the majority for the war. Mr Putin has a long record of masterfully manipulating public sentiment. By siding with the more militant part of the pro-war camp, which has long demanded mobilisation, Mr Putin may force doubters to pick a side and thus polarise society. He calculates that the greater (though still limited) involvement of the Russian population in Ukraine may push Russians to support their boys in uniform more strongly. It will drive a wedge between families whose members fight, and those whose run for the border or curse the war.

But now time has passed, it’s become obvious that no positive outcomes are to be expected. Beginning in spring 2014, Ukrainian attitudes toward Russia begin to massively change—not because of any state-directed propaganda campaigns but in response to Putin’s military aggression. This man has a certain political style, to which most of the Russian population is already accustomed. Although Ukraine is a much smaller country, it is strong patriotically.
The logistics of training a “Citizen Army” are also formidable, according to one former Territorial Army (TA) soldier. “If you are talking about mass mobilisation to defend the homeland, that is hundreds of thousands of people,” he said. The conflict in Ukraine offers a glimpse of how Britain might prepare for self-defence.

“The feeling of the inevitability of war from the life of Russians, the feeling that the war is now with us, and we are with this life, caused the emergence of new meanings of war,” Zhuravlev said. “We have become so comfortable here in Britain that it’s hard to imagine young people fighting, and when I went to Afghanistan a decade ago, I didn’t think the youngsters of would be up to much,” he said. I very much sympathise with all the residents of Ukraine. One person shouldn’t be in power for a long time, all this power twists and corrupts people. Public buildings and metro stations would be used as air raid shelters, while anti-aircraft guns might be hidden in parks. It’s too scary, the idea of dying or being locked up for life.
Moscow’s move against Ukraine, once a member of the Soviet Union, is sure to increase fears over the security of other former Soviet countries in Eastern Europe. It will heighten concerns about the strength of the post-1989 international order and America’s ability to influence it. Russia has opened up at times after moments of calamity and catastrophe. That a sledgehammer is now a positive symbol of Russian power in executions captured on camera and posted by MPs on Twitter.


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