Notes

Valuation on adjunctive facts via MII-pH monitoring as well as high-resolution manometry within undetermined Acid reflux individuals along with AET 4-6.
The early actions enacted under the state-of-emergency carve new directions in negotiating the delicate balance between freedom of expression and online censorship, in particular by imposing limitations on access to information and inducing self-restraint in reporting. Based on comparative legal analysis, this article provides a timely discussion of intended and unintended consequences of such legal responses to the "infodemic," reflecting on a basic set of safeguards needed to preserve trust in online information.At the time of writing (mid-May 2020), mental health charities around the world have experienced an unprecedented surge in demand. At the same time, record-high numbers of people are turning to social media to maintain personal connections due to restrictions on physical movement. But organizations like the mental health charity Mind and even the UK Government have expressed concerns about the possible strain on mental health that may come from spending more time online during COVID-19. These concerns are unsurprising, as debates about the link between heavy social media use and mental illness raged long before the pandemic. But our newly heightened reliance on platforms to replace face-to-face communication has created even more pressure for social media companies to heighten their safety measures and protect their most vulnerable users. To develop and enact these changes, social media companies are reliant on their content moderation workforces, but the COVID-19 pandemic has presented them with two related conundrums (1) recent changes to content moderation workforces means platforms are likely to be less safe than they were before the pandemic and (2) some of the policies designed to make social media platforms safer for people's mental health are no longer possible to enforce. This Social Media + Society 2K essay will address these two challenges in depth.One of the most striking features of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom has been the disproportionate way in which it has affected Black, Asian, ethnic minority, and working class people. In this article, I argue that digital technologies and data practices in the response to COVID-19 amplify social inequalities, which are already accentuated by the pandemic, thus leading to a "second-order disaster"-a human-made disaster which further traps disadvantaged people into precarity. Inequalities are reproduced both in the everyday uses of technology for distance learning and remote work as well as in the public health response. Applications such as contact tracing apps raise concerns about "function creep"-the reuse of data for different purposes than the one for which they were originally collected-while they normalize surveillance which has been traditionally used on marginalized communities. The outsourcing of the digital public health response consolidates the arrival of the privatized digital welfare state, which increases risks of potential discrimination.Since the coronavirus outbreak, YouTube has altered its content moderation policies to surface more "authoritative information" while removing videos that contain "medically unsubstantiated claims." This was made urgent by incidents like a live-stream interview of renowned British conspiracy theorist David Icke-in which he falsely linked the spread of the coronavirus to 5G technology-that gained substantial traction online. Behind these events, however, lies a tension between the need for authoritative medical information and the socio-technical mediation that enables multiple, competing voices to lay claim to such authority on YouTube; a tension exacerbated by the current pandemic. selleck chemical Following an investigation into the sources and types of video content average users were likely to see when searching for information about the coronavirus on the site, we suggest that through its incentive structure and participatory affordances, YouTube may have subordinated expertise to a logic of likability-leaving institutional experts trailing behind.All of the authors who have contributed to this issue on COVID19 and the Media have stepped out of the rush of change, if only for a 2000-word moment, to look into a corner of the mediated pandemic and grapple with the significance of what's happening in our field, our societies, our lives. We appreciate their insights, and hope you do too.As COVID-19 spreads across the globe, new technologies are being leveraged to enforce social distancing requirements. I explore social distancing through the theoretical lens of Michel Foucault's biopolitics, with an emphasis on recognizing unauthorized movement and controlling circulation. Although reporting and widely shared data visualizations about COVID-19 have made many people newly aware that their movements are being tracked and surveilled, governments are already implementing new measures such as geofencing and artificial intelligence (AI)-based facial recognition to facilitate the enforcement of social distancing. The tracking of COVID-19 spread and social distancing behaviors of the public has made more visible the practices of biopolitics but also generated new opportunities for even greater surveillance and control. The current moment offers an opportunity to shift public perceptions about data surveillance, technological control, and the racial disparities of biopower, much in the same way that public perceptions around social media shifted during and after the Arab Spring. How we collectively respond to these biopolitical processes will, in part, determine how such power relations are articulated in the future.As COVID-19 is rapidly spreading around the world, some countries have launched or plan to implement contact-tracing apps to detect exposure risks. In China, the government relies on Health Code, developed by Alipay and WeChat, for identifying people potentially exposed to COVID-19. The color-based code can determine people's exposure risks and freedom of movement based on factors like travel history, duration of time spent in risky areas, and relationships to potential carriers. This essay discusses the rise of Health Code from a platform perspective, arguing that digital platforms are key players conducting health surveillance and mediating state-citizen relations in China. More importantly, tracing apps might become a normal practice in many countries, suggesting that platforms will be substantially adopted for health surveillance.
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