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Since the enactment of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, known as "welfare reform," in 1996, US social policy has increasingly stratified immigrants by legality, extending eligibility exclusions, benefit limitations, and administrative burdens not only to undocumented immigrants but also to lawful permanent residents and US citizens in immigrant families. This stratification is a form of structural discrimination, which is a social determinant of health. Children in immigrant families, most of whom are US citizens, have not been able to fully realize the benefits from social safety-net programs-including the 2020 Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act stimulus payments. Policy deliberations over pandemic recovery, the equity focus of the Biden administration, and proposals to address child poverty provide an opportunity to reexamine immigrant exclusions, restrictions, and administrative burdens in public programs. We discuss immigrant stratification by legal status in social policy and review how it affects citizen children in mixed-status families in three safety-net programs the Earned Income Tax Credit, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, and Child Care and Development Block Grant. We provide eight policy recommendations to restore equity to the social safety net for children in immigrant families.There are roughly 45 million immigrants living in the United States. People from Mexico account for 25% of all US immigrants, although the demography of the immigrant population continues to change. Migration patterns along the US southern border are especially dynamic. Immigration and other policies affect the health of people on both sides of the US-Mexico border. Many factors, including citizenship status, geographic location, and language, influence immigrant health and contribute to disparities in life expectancy, health care access, and participation in safety-net programs.The diversity of health contexts in which members of the US Latinx population establish residence may provide insights into the variety of health challenges they face. We investigated differences in health professional shortages, general health services, health care safety-net supply, health access, and population health rankings across 3,113 US counties classified as established, new, or other Latinx population destinations. Compared with new destinations, established destinations had more health professional shortages, as well as higher rates of child and adult health uninsurance. New destinations had fewer health care safety-net services per 100,000 county residents than established destinations. Health contexts thus differ in significant ways across new and established Latinx destinations, and these differences have key implications for Latinx immigrant health.Restrictive immigration policies are important social determinants of health, but less is known about the health implications and health-related content of protective immigration policies, which may also represent critical determinants of health. We conducted a content analysis of types, themes, and health-related language in 328 "sanctuary" policies enacted between 2009 and 2017 in the United States. Sanctuary policies were introduced in thirty-two states and Washington, D.C., most frequently in 2014 and 2017. More than two-thirds of policies (67.6 percent) contained language related to health, including direct references to access to services. Health-related themes commonly co-occurred with language related to supporting immigrants in communities, including themes of antidiscrimination, inclusion, trust, and privacy. Our work provides foundational, nuanced data about the scope and nature of sanctuary policies that can inform future research exploring the impacts of these policies on health and health care.More than 500,000 US citizen migrant children were residing in Mexico in 2015, and more than half of them had limited, inadequate health insurance despite their citizenship status. The majority of these children lived in Mexican states near the US border. Despite these numbers, knowledge regarding these children and their health has been scarce. To address these knowledge gaps, we analyzed data from the 2015 Mexican Intercensal Survey to examine whether the health insurance status of US citizen migrant children in Mexico is linked to individual, household, and state factors. We compared rates of insured US citizen migrant children with rates among those who were underinsured. We found high rates of underinsurance among US citizen migrant children, especially in northern Mexican border states. Parental education, labor-force participation, urban residence, and border residence partially accounted for these children's probability of being insured. Our results have implications for binational policies that extend health care protection to US citizen migrant children through reintegration assistance for their parents, an expedited dual-citizenship application process, and exempting these children from the automatic cancellation of US-based health benefits.Immigrant children in the US have very limited health insurance coverage and health care access. Immigration status is not static Census data show that the majority of census respondents who enter as noncitizen children eventually become citizens. Eligibility restrictions that prevent noncitizen children from being publicly insured can contribute to their experiencing poorer health and higher medical costs in their adult lives. We isolate the impact of lack of citizenship from socioeconomic factors by comparing citizen and noncitizen siblings living in mixed-status families, using fixed-effects models to net out socioeconomic factors shared within families. Lacking citizenship increased a child's risk of being uninsured and lowered by 26 percentage points the chances that they would have Medicaid or Children's Health Insurance Program coverage. Noncitizen children had significantly more delays in needed medical care because of cost, primarily mediated by the lack of insurance coverage. The US should reexamine policies that exclude noncitizen children from public health insurance programs.The COVID-19 pandemic has had a dramatic impact on the cross-border movement of people. As governments begin to reopen their borders and cautiously restart travel, their attention is shifting to border procedures that could facilitate travel while protecting the homeland from travelers who may be infected. This is not the first time in recent memory that border management has had to be rethought under the pressure of large external forces. This article examines parallels between the current situation and the early 2000s, when the September 11, 2001, attacks on US targets caused a seismic shift in managing borders. We find echoes of today's responses in the initial fragmentation and chaos of two decades ago, which eventually gave way to a coordinated international system. We also analyze the implications of the emerging border health infrastructure for other migration challenges-particularly addressing irregular crossings and the border "crises" they create. Because the aftershocks of the pandemic on all aspects of people on the move could be felt for decades, immigration, mobility management, and public health priorities must be considered alongside one another.Aggressive deportation policy enforcement in the US may make undocumented immigrants and those close to them reluctant to seek medical care. With 68 percent of undocumented immigrants coming from Mexico or Central America, US deportation policies particularly affect Hispanic residents. To examine how deportation enforcement relates to health care use in the Hispanic population in general, we matched survey data from the 2011-16 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System to measures of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) activity. Quasi-experimental analyses demonstrated that Hispanic respondents were less likely to report having had a regular provider or annual checkup following increased ICE activity in their state. In contrast, these behaviors were unchanged among non-Hispanic adults, a group less likely to be affected by deportation enforcement. Parallel results were found among Hispanic and non-Hispanic adults with diabetes, for whom lapses in care may confer significant health risks.One in seven people in the US speak Spanish at home, and twenty-five million people in the US have limited English proficiency. Using nationally representative data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey, we compare health care spending for and health care use by Hispanics adults with limited English proficiency with spending for and use by English-proficient Hispanic and non-Hispanic adults. During 2014-18 mean annual per capita expenditures were $1,463 (35 percent) lower for Hispanic adults with limited English proficiency than for Hispanic adults who were English proficient, after adjustment for respondents' characteristics. Hydroxyfasudil solubility dmso Hispanic adults with limited English proficiency also made fewer outpatient and emergency department visits, had fewer inpatient days, and received fewer prescription medications than Hispanic adults who were English proficient. Health care spending gaps between Hispanic adults with limited English proficiency and non-Hispanic adults with English proficiency widened between 1999 and 2018. These language-based gaps in spending and use raise concern that language barriers may be obstructing access to care, resulting in underuse of medical services by adults with limited English proficiency.During the COVID-19 pandemic in the US, essential workers have provided health care, food, and other necessities, often incurring considerable risk. At the pandemic's start, the federal government was in the process of tightening the "public charge" rule by adding nutrition and health benefits to the cash benefits that, if drawn, could subject immigrants to sanctions (for example, green card denial). Census Bureau data indicate that immigrants accounted for 13.6 percent of the population but 17.8 percent of essential workers in 2019. About 20.0 million immigrants held essential jobs, and more than one-third of these immigrants resided in US states bordering Mexico. Nationwide, 12.3 million essential workers and 18.9 million of their household members were at risk because of the new sanctions. The rule change (which was subsequently revoked) likely caused 2.1 million essential workers and household members to forgo Medicaid and 1.3 million to forgo Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program assistance on the eve of the pandemic, highlighting the potential of immigration policy changes to exacerbate health risks.Since the 1960s the immigrant population in the United States has increased fourfold, reaching 44.7 million, or 13.7 percent of the US population, in 2018. The shifting immigrant demography presents several challenges for US health policy makers. We examine recent trends in immigrant health and health care after the Great Recession and the nationwide implementation of the Affordable Care Act. Recent immigrants are more likely to have lower incidence of chronic health conditions than other groups in the US, although these differences vary along the citizenship and documentation status continuum. Health care inequities among immigrants and US-born residents increased after the Great Recession and later diminished after the Affordable Care Act took effect. Unremitting inequities remain, however, particularly among noncitizen immigrants. The number of aging immigrants is growing, which will present a challenge to the expansion of coverage to this population. Health care and immigration policy changes are needed to integrate immigrants successfully into the US health care system.
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