Notes

Memoria of Unidad Obrera by Genaro Vazquez
The events that transpired in Unidad Obrera were not insignificant. Its radicalization was channeled into suicide armed gangs that claimed thousands of lives. These armed gangs disoriented the obrero movement and paved the way for fascist military dictatures. In short, it was a bleak time for the obrero community. However, the future of Unidad Obrera is brighter.

Intervencion de Luis Solis Solis

The Union Catolica Obrera was a small organization that relied on contributions to publish its monthly journal, Regeneracion. The magazine first began as a semanario and was later made monthly. Under the leadership of Salvador Moreno Arriaga, the Union Catolica Obrera discussed the need to form a larger organization. The group's next move was the creation of an organization known as CAN.

The ETA was formed in 2004 as an alternative to the PLN. They opposed the privatization of Costa Rican Electricity and the Free Trade Agreement with the United States. Learn more were supported by Luis Alberto Monge and Luis Guillermo Solis. Nevertheless, the PLN was not able to achieve the electoral victory that they desired. However, the ETA managed to elect a new president, Luis Guillermo Solis, and the PLN lost its parliamentary majority.

The obrero movement eventually reached a cardenist phase. While the Camara Nacional del Trabajo was the most important obrera organization, it failed to gain recognition. However, Abelardo L. Rodriguez's leadership kept it alive, while other organizations were loosely affiliated with the Partido Comunista Mexicano and free from state tutelage.

Genaro Vazquez, Memoria

In Memoria of Unidad Obrero, Genaro Vazquez opposes official memory to collective memory, as they both are attempts to interpret the world. Memoria, as a collective act, has multiple complexities, ranging from the personal and the political to the purely material. Vazquez's writings are both deeply personal and historically-rooted.

The state of nation in this novel is very different than the officialist account of what happened. The state is actively promoting the erasure and suppression of memory, a tactic that serves social control. Moreover, memory is not simply about the past, it is also a product of cultural memory. The state of the nation is the author of memory, as it promotes a policy of olvido social, obliteration, and reprension.

Mexico's memory of the 1960s and 1970s is a guerrilla war. The guerrilla movement was centered in Guerrero and led by Genaro Vazquez Rojas. Despite this, the official memory of the conflict is based on a distorted and misleading version of events. However, there are a number of examples of the memory of the people of Guerrero.

Intervencion de Rosendo Naula

In 1937, the National Union of Mineworkers (CONAM) organized a strike in Mexico against the unfair working conditions. This protest was a precursor to the current industrial dispute in that country. In the years that followed, the Conam organized many more strikes, and the labor movement in Mexico began to prosper. During this time, the CONAM became the most important union in Mexico, and a number of the country's miners went on to be elected to congress. The resulting strike had many consequences, however.

The resulting movement called for a national day of action, and many of the obreros who attended the conference vowed to unite the workers. After the conference, they signed a declaration committing to promote unification. The organization, CTAL, was born two years later. While the obreros' political influence was still relatively small at the time, it was a positive development.

In the 1920s, the Peruvian nationalist Guillermo Polo Medrano was in opposition to the nationalist government, and he was the most important figure to oppose the obreras' campaign. He wrote a book on popular psychology in Ecuador, "Peruvian Rebels, Aliens in the Country", which was published in 1922.
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