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class="hfeed site" id="page"> Home Facebook-f Twitter Youtube Search Close The following posts are written by contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of ZitoBox. $4.5m Of These Rewards Have Already Been Paid $4.5m Already Paid Start With $10 Free - Coupon Code: TV PLAY NOW PLAY NOW PLAY NOW PLAY NOW The following posts are written by contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of ZitoBox. September 5, 2022 America’s Bad Bet on Sports Gambling… Gambling is, according to the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, addictive. Estimates are that about 2 percent of the people who do it wind up in extraordinary trouble. This spring, I sat in a sports bar in King of Prussia, Penn., with a former gambler who had opened his laptop to explain how betting sites work. It was a slow sports day, and suddenly there popped up on his screen a solicitation to bet on Argentina’s “B” Soccer league. “If you’re sitting here in the dark on a beautiful Saturday afternoon placing prop bets on the Argentine B league,” he said, “I don’t think you need the DSM-V to tell you what the problem is.”
Sports leagues go to great lengths to fudge the addictiveness of their new product. For the past year the NFL has been airing, in collaboration with the National Council on Problem Gaming, an ad in which former 49ers head coach Steve Mariucci chalks out on a blackboard:
SET YOUR LIMITS. STICK TO THEM
ALWAYS TRACK YOUR BETS
ONLY BET WHAT YOU CAN AFFORD
The league can pretend it is dealing not with an addiction but with a simple problem of disobedience. But that won’t lessen the social and criminal problems that will arise inevitably from the product the league itself has helped develop.
“Sports gambling … has the look of a corporate cause masquerading as a popular cause.”
You can see an element of bad faith and guilty conscience among those state lawmakers who open the door to sports betting. In the latest major state to legalize it, Massachusetts, there was skepticism in the state Senate, and its new law has some admirable features as a result. It bans making bets with credit cards, for instance. But it has one exceedingly weird feature. The two chambers deadlocked over college sports. The upper chamber worried about rinky-dink athletic programs getting corrupted by big wagerers. To be a bit less euphemistic, they were worried about thrown games. Of course the senators were right to worry: If Americans will bet on the Argentine B League, they will bet on Division II college basketball. State representatives’ attitude, by contrast, was: C’mon, man! March Madness! The Brackets! So the two chambers arrived at a compromise: Bets on colleges would be acceptable—but not on colleges in Massachusetts … except during March Madness, when in-state bets become okay.
The law puts one in mind of the tergiversation about slavery in the US Constitution: The rationale is as easy to understand as it is impossible to avow. The optimal state gambling program involves in-state companies profiting off of (and undermining the families and communities of) out-of-state bettors. But betting threatens to damage college education, and anything that does that is going to threaten university-rich Massachusetts more than its neighbors. If that’s not the problem, then why the hemming and hawing? Massachusetts college students and athletes are mostly of legal age—why not let them get in on the “fun” that advertisers and politicians keep insisting that sports betting will provide?
Stop Predatory Gambling, a national foundation led by former Massachusetts legislative aide Les Bernal, has published a list called the Hypocrite Hall of Fame. It doesn’t accuse gambling supporters of loose morals—on the contrary. It shows that, of the most prominent gambling advocates in the Bay State, virtually none gambles himself.
Sports gambling, in short, doesn’t have the look of a popular cause. It has the look of a corporate cause masquerading as a popular cause. This spring, noting that betting receipts in Indiana had risen by 62 percent in the past year, Indianapolis Star sportswriter Gregg Doyel speculated that perhaps it had something to do with all those QR codes offering free bets at various casinos. “Now Caesars has a direct line into your phone,” Doyel wrote, “but what could possibly go wrong?”
Indeed, those who follow the economics of sports betting closely have begun to suggest that we may not yet fully understand what kind of business empire the industry is consolidating. It has something to do with data. The American Prospect ran a series last spring called “Rollups,” dedicated to the proposition that a lot of technologies nowadays get monopolized before ordinary citizens have even heard of them. In one installment dedicated to big data and sports betting, Ravi Naik, an Oxford expert in data law, noted ways that big companies kept a grip on their clientele. “Even if you recover from a gambling disorder,” Naik said, “your shadow profile held by data brokers will always have you labeled as an addict and companies will use it against you.”
For now, online sports betting has a structural problem: It is a market that burns out its best customers, who are lost when they go bankrupt or start attending Gamblers Anonymous. Consequently new customers must constantly be groomed and recruited. This builds up resistance among parents. It also requires that gambling corporations make tremendous expenditures on advertising and marketing. The experience of certain first-mover casino states, like Connecticut, which saw huge profits shrink or even dry up as soon as their neighbors legalized casino gambling, too, is common across different forms of gambling. Sports betting may be profitable as a monopoly, but not as a competitive market.
That is why the most disturbing aspect of sports betting is the collusion of the power structures defending it. The industry requires close ties between corporations, politicians, media, and sports leagues, ties of a seemingly new kind. Of course, there is the usual corporate-government revolving door. Former Massachusetts senatorial candidate Martha Coakley went to work at DraftKings. Then-President Donald Trump invited sports-gambling impresario Dave Portnoy of Barstool Sports to the White House. (Perhaps due to the ex-casino mogul Trump’s lock on Republican affections, sports betting is one of the few projects of the Washington establishment that meets little populist opposition.)
But other, more novel relationships have developed. The media have a strong interest in betting. The Boston Globe and the Boston Red Sox share an owner. CBS has William Hill as its “official sports betting partner.” The gambling analyst and former gambler Harry Levant has written eloquently of how sports leagues have learned to market their proprietary statistics and their proprietary telecasts to make constant prop bets possible.
Are sports and sports betting “complementary” goods (enhancing one another, like red wine and steak) or “substitute” goods (competing with one another, like red wine and public speaking)? The leagues now claim the former. But this is an outright falsehood. All you had to do to realize it was to tune in the Central Michigan–Oklahoma State game on Thursday, which brought redemption for the Cowboys after six years. slots lv no deposit codes People were still talking about the end to the 2016 game; no one was talking about what happened to his betting account that afternoon six years ago. College football, like most things, turns out to be for people who care about it, not for people who wish they were doing something else. The best kind of skin to have in the game is the game.
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