Notes

Did Nixon Obtain the War on Drugs Right? Jordan Massing's The Repair
The dust jacket of Michael Massing's The Repair summarizes his thesis in strong red letters: "Underneath the Nixon Government, America Had an Powerful Drug Policy. WE SHOULD RESTORE IT. (Nixon Was Right)." That's quite a extraordinary declare to produce regarding an government that obtained company in large portion through the "Southern Strategy" that had at its center Nixon's affirmation of a "Conflict on Drugs" and whose policies produced the cocaine crisis that caused so several new considerations 10 years later. For the most part, I would concur that the Nixon administration's pursuit of a fundamentally bad policy involved some beneficial efforts which were devalued by every subsequent administration. This is not since Nixon or his nearest advisers were proper about medicine policy but since Nixon was more thinking about foreign policy problems and his benign neglect of domestic policy permitted several positive developments to bloom in the middle of the mire of incompetence and crime that known his presidency.

Perceptively concluding that "plans being designed in Washington nowadays bear little relation from what is occurring on the street," Massing efforts to illustrate the true ramifications of medicine plan at the street level. Unfortunately, he doesn't count on the epidemiologic evidence or browse the cautious analyses done by researchers like myself who have thoroughly examined what is really occurring on the street. Alternatively he relies on the journalist's normal -- and often misleading -- instrument of dramatic anecdotes.

Massing's anecdotal case is shown through the stories of Raphael Flores and Yvonne Hamilton. Flores runs Hot Range Cares, a drop-in center for fans in Spanish Harlem. Hot Line Cares, which Flores established in 1970, is actually only a crowded office in of a normally forgotten tenement wherever Flores and his staff guide and guide lovers who wish to enter into treatment. Given the fragmented state of drug abuse therapy in New York City, and in other American areas, it's no simple task for connecting lovers with suitable attention and even tougher to get in touch them with satisfactory aftercare. Massing creates, "If a Vacation Inn is complete, it'll at the least call the Ramada across the street to see if it has a vacancy. Not two therapy programs"

Yvonne Hamilton is just a break abuser trying to get her living together. Massing identifies her trials and tribulations as she copes with her disease and makes her way through New York City's therapy non-system. It can be an affecting history and effectively told. sharklato weed as a disagreement for treatment and perversely as a quarrel against decriminalization or legalization. But she's one of many examples that show that prohibition doesn't prevent addiction. And improvements in her drug problem seem to own less regarding the therapy she did obtain than with improvements in her living situation.

Those two lives supply a touchstone to which his story may later return. The middle third of the book changes significantly in tone as Massing chronicles the progress of the war on medications in Washington. During Nixon's tenure, the us government spent more money on therapy (the "demand" side) than on stopping drug trafficking (the "supply" side), which he argues led to decreases in both medicine overdoses and crime rates. As successive presidents believed stress to stress the "war" as opposed to therapy, he asserts that the number of serious lovers skyrocketed. In the 3rd and last area Massing earnings to Spanish Harlem, where Hamilton remains a difficult battle to stay drug-free and Flores struggles to keep his middle afloat and to keep from falling into habit himself.

It is the 2nd the main guide that is the center of Massing's thesis. It is just a tale that's familiar to those people that are effective in the subject of medicine policy and, along with scholars, other editors have informed it before -- Dan Baum (1996) and Paul Dull (1998) doing this especially effectively -- but I will review (with some details Massing overlooked or remaining out) the annals of drug plan under Nixon for the reader who is unfamiliar with the story.

In 1968, as Richard Nixon was creating his comeback work for the presidency, he adopted the "Southern Strategy" that has been the main element to Republican victories in presidential events actually since. Because the end of Reconstruction every Democratic presidential prospect had been able to count on the votes of the "strong South" but the Upper Democrats' help for civil rights had been the cause of increasing disaffection in the South, as epitomized by Strom Thurmond's separate work for Leader against Truman in 1948. Then, in 1964, Alabama Governor George Wallace's bid for the Democratic nomination for Leader revealed that racism won votes in the North in addition to the South. Nixon wanted to win the South, along with racists' votes in the North, without offending more old-fashioned Republican voters by an overtly hateful campaign. The answer Nixon and his advisers discovered was to plan against crime, which most Americans quite falsely equated with minorities. Therefore imagine if the offense rate was really decreasing, Americans seem to always believe that crime is raising just as they seem to generally responsibility it on social or racial outsiders.

Actually much better than campaigning against crime, the Nixon staff soon noticed, was campaigning against drugs. Many Americans, again wrongly, equated drug users with violent criminals. Better yet, for that great "quiet majority" whose votes they wanted a strategy against drugs symbolized a campaign against equally Blacks and much hated hippies and anti-war protestors. When Nixon reported "war on drugs" he was attractive to the basest aspects of the American electorate and it labored, only as it has worked for other candidates since.

The accomplishment of his anti-crime/anti-drug campaign presented Nixon with a serious problem when he took office - people were wanting results. In the beginning his administration considered admitting that constitutionally offense control was circumstances duty and proposing to do something through help of instruction applications and grant-in-aid to convey and local police allows, but his approach had small political pizzazz and was mainly forgotten after it failed to impress the public. Nixon had some ideas of their own, such as a nationwide necessary death penalty for selling medications - a technique that has been attempted in Red China and in Singapore and has obviously failed in both countries - but fortunately he was more enthusiastic about international plan and left the search well for a treatment for the drug issue in the fingers of David Ehrlichman and the White Home Domestic Policy Council.
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