Notes

THE SAMGUK SAGI
A rich tradition of historical writing existed during the Koryŏ period.
The most important historical work was the Samguk sagi (History of the
Three Kingdoms). The oldest extant Korean history, it was written in 1145
by Kim Pu-sik (1075–1151), a high court official. The Samguk sagi set
out to give the history of the three kingdoms—Koguryŏ, Paekche, and
Silla—from their founding to the end of Silla and the establishment of the
Koryŏ state. An orthodox, Confucian history, the Samguk sagi is the most
important single source for early Korean history. Much of the material is
based on earlier, now lost sources, although the author seldom directly
cites them. The work is an official history written in the Chinese kijŏn
(Chinese, jizhuan) format, meaning it contains annals, that is, a chronological
year-by-year history, treatises on various topics, and then a section
of biographies. Kim with ten assistants compiled this history after collecting
many sources. One hundred twenty-three Chinese and sixty-nine
Korean titles are given as sources; the most important is the Ku samguk
sa (Old Three Kingdoms History), a work now lost. Adhering to the “praise
and blame” concept of history, Kim Pu-sik added his personal comments
on historical issues.
Following a tradition of history writing that began in China with Sima
Qian’s Shiji written over twelve centuries earlier, Kim Pu-sik viewed history
as a guide to correct government and personal behavior. This East
Asian tradition of history held that one can learn from the past, not just
practical lessons of statecraft, but more importantly lessons on moral and
ethical conduct. Modern scholars have sometimes criticized Kim’s work
for repressing the nativist traditions in favor of a Sinocentric Confucian
view of history. It has also been criticized for excluding Parhae from
Korean history and therefore placing Manchuria outside the definition
of Korean history. The Samguk sagi, however, was not a slavishly pro-
Chinese work. The author states that the work was intended to create a
more accurate record of early Korean history that had not received the
attention or accuracy it deserved in Chinese histories. The history also
reflects the author’s desire to affirm the Koryŏ dynasty as the legitimate
and logical successor to the Silla state. The work also reflects the southern
orientation of Kim Pu-sik, a man of Sillan descent, who led armies against
Myoch’ŏng. Kim set Korean history firmly in the peninsula, with the
northern Korean/southern Manchurian region of Koguryŏ and its successor
Parhae marginalized. This is an important development in the evolution
of a Korean ethnic identity, since the Samguk sagi was influential in
shaping Korean views of themselves and their history.
The Samguk sagi represents the high historical standards of the time. If
translated into English (which it has not been) it would be several thick
volumes long. It is an invaluable historical source for Korean history during
the Three Kingdoms and Silla period. Our modern knowledge of that
period, especially from the fourth to tenth centuries when the history becomes
more reliable, is heavily dependent on this single source. It also reminds
us how much of Korean history has been lost to us. Sadly, none of
the sixty-nine Korean historical sources cited by the author exists today.
The Samguk sagi is also a rich source of stories, given as historical accounts,
not as literature, but serving as both. Especially useful is the
yŏlchŏn (biographical) section, although there are also many good stories
in the annals section. Some of these stories, especially those set in earlier
times, appear to be imaginative legends, some with magical elements. For
example, in one well-known story, Prince Hodong, a handsome son of the
king of Koguryŏ, was offered the virgin daughter of the Chinese governor
of Nangnang, but the prince refused to accept her unless she destroyed a
mysterious drum-and-horn that sounded by itself at the approach of the
enemy. The daughter surreptitiously destroyed the drum-and-horn and
had word of her deed sent to Prince Hodong. He then had his father, the
Koguryŏ king, attack the Nangnang (Lelang) capital. The governor put
his daughter to death and then surrendered. In another episode, Hodong,
who was the son of a secondary consort, aroused the jealousy of the
queen, who feared the king would make him, not her son, the heir. She
falsely accused him of making sexual advances on her. Rather than clearing
his name by disgracing his father’s wife and causing the king further
grief, he committed suicide. The commentary praises his filial piety.20
The story represents the mixture of ancient tales, whose meanings are
somewhat obscure, and the later Confucian gloss given them. The stories
also suggest the strong warrior code of early Korea, a code that still made
sense in Kim Pu-sik’s time. Another example of this warrior code is the
story of Wŏnsul, who after a distinguished career lost a battle against the
army of Tang China and returned home in disgrace. Kim Yu-sin recommended
that he be beheaded for dishonoring the kingdom and his family.
The king, however, pardoned him. Yet his parents refused to forgive him
or even see him even after he restored his honor on the battlefield.