Notes

The number of non-voters is greater than the sitting MP's majority in 551 out of 650 constituencies: that's more than 80%.
Take Boris Johnson's constituency of Uxbridge and South Ruislip, for example: 23,716 people voted for him in 2017, giving him a majority of 5,034. However, 22,798 voters on the electoral register didn't turn out at all. That means he has a theoretical majority of just 918 over those who didn't vote.
In some seats the gap between the winner and second place was incredibly tight. In 11, the MP won by fewer than 100 votes.
self-reported turnout in 2017 ranged from 74% to 91% for people of South Asian descent, 51% to 85% for black Caribbeans and Africans, and 82% to 83% for white British voters.
in some places, even if every single non-voter on the register went to the polls, the outcome still wouldn't change. There were 99 of these seats in 2017
Among them is Islington North, where Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn is the local MP. In 2017, 40,086 people voted for him, ahead of just 6,871 for the Conservative candidate in second place, giving Mr Corbyn a majority of 33,215.
The Brexit referendum in 2016 bucked the trend: turnout was 72.2%, as opposed to 69% in the 2017 general election and 66.2% in the 2015 election.





In a 1995 column unearthed by Business Insider, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson called for patients to be charged to use the National Health Service to prevent free care being "abused" by people who can afford to pay.

The UK prime minister called for the extension of charges for services including ambulance journeys to prevent free healthcare being "abused" by those who can afford it.

Johnson added that "it seems reasonable that the middle classes should be required to stump up for non-essential services they can well afford."

Johnson said that the only reason charges hadn't been introduced by the Conservative government at the time was political "cowardice."

Footage uncovered this week by the blog Red Roar showed Johnson, in a 2002 speech to the House of Commons, calling for a breakup of the "monopolistic" NHS.

The Labour Party said the column proved that Johnson was secretly planning to dismantle the NHS.

"More cuts, privatisation and now charges are on the way if Boris Johnson and his Conservative Party get five more years."








the Conservative rise, which has been a consistent feature of the election campaign, has levelled off.

That doesn't mean they can't go up any further, but for the time being it seems as though support for them is fairly static.

Meanwhile, the Labour Party is still moving upwards - apparently mostly at the expense of the Liberal Democrats.

If this trend continues, then we could be on course for another election where the two biggest parties capture a very large share of the overall vote.

It would still need another big move, though, to reach the 84% that the Conservatives and Labour achieved between them in 2017.









City dwellers are less likely to vote than the rest of the country on average, but only slightly.

In the 2017 general election, 67% of voters in large towns or cities went to the ballot box, while elsewhere turnout was slightly higher at 70%.

London's Twickenham topped the list, with 80% of voters going to the polls. At the other end was Glasgow North East, where just 53% voted. Across the UK, average turnout was 69%.

In 2017, residents of smaller towns or rural areas were more likely to vote Conservative while city dwellers were more likely to vote Labour.

In September, up to 9.4 million Britons, or 17% of the eligible voting population, were thought to have not registered to vote at their current address, or at all.

This divide has been deepening over time. At the last election, 48% of voters outside of large towns and cities voted Conservative, up from 40% in 2010.

The opposite has happened for Labour. Between 2010 and 2017 the party's share of city voters increased from 35% to 49%.

, constituencies with higher deprivation - a measurement based on issues such as income, employment, health and crime - tend to see proportionately far fewer people turning out on polling day.

These most deprived constituencies are overwhelmingly urban. Of the 100 most deprived constituencies, 88 are in cities.

An exception to this trend is Liverpool Walton. Despite being the most deprived parliamentary constituency in England and Wales, it had a high share of its residents going to the polls. In 2017, 67% of them turned out to vote.














in the 1960's People in middle-class jobs were more likely to vote Conservative, and the working class were more inclined to vote Labour. whether they are young or old may matter a great deal now.

At 42%, support for the Conservatives is the same in both, while at 33%, support for Labour - a party originally founded to advance the interests of the working class - is only five points higher among the working class than the middle class.

the Liberal Democrats used to pride themselves on attracting support from both sides of the class divide. the party's support among middle-class voters is markedly higher (19%) than among working-class supporters (10%).

Conservatives are 15 points ahead of Labour among men, but by 11 points among women. this has been evident since 2005.


56% of BAME voters intend to vote for Labour, while only 23% are likely to support the Conservatives.

About three-fifths of those aged 65 or older are currently proposing to vote Conservative, compared with less than a quarter of those aged under 35. half of those aged less than 35 are backing Labour - but only 17% of those aged 65 or over.